A Green New Deal for American Labor, Job Provisions and more

In New York state, a coalition called Climate Jobs NY has used pre-hire collective bargaining agreements, called project labor agreements, to win guarantees that workers will be paid prevailing wages in $1.5 billion in renewable energy projects. These are in wind energy construction, solar, and the retrofitting of schools and other public buildings to make them more energy-efficient.

The Worker Institute at Cornell University spearheaded the project alongside IBEW Local 3, the New York State Nurses, 32BJ, and other unions, aiming to create unionized jobs while investing in sustainable energy. Importantly, the project has the support of the local Building Trades council.

https://labornotes.org/2019/02/green-new-deal-american-labor  A Green New Deal for American Labor?

The simple yellow protest signs were stenciled “Green Jobs for All.” Speaker after speaker stepped into the middle of the office floor, marked with a U.S. House of Representatives seal. Representative-Elect Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, fresh off her election win, gave the protesters high fives.  That was the scene in November when the youth climate justice organization Sunrise Movement held a sit-in at the office of Rep. Nancy Pelosi, who was soon to be the Speaker of the House.

Most Americans had never heard of the “Green New Deal” at the time.

Now, it’s on the mainstream radar. The New York Times and the Washington Post ran multiple stories when Ocasio-Cortez introduced a resolution on February 7 to reduce carbon emissions through a massive good jobs program. The resolution has 67 House co-sponsors, while the Senate version has 12.

Just like the original New Deal in the ’30s, her version of a Green New Deal would include a federal guarantee of living-wage employment—that is, anyone who wanted a job could get one at a salary that could support a family, with an emphasis on union jobs and protecting the right to organize.

The plan would also include public investments in clean energy infrastructure. But “there are millions of good, high-wage jobs that will be available through the Green New Deal, and they’re not just jobs that are in the manufacture of clean energy,” said security officer Judith Howell, a Service Employees 32BJ shop steward. For instance, she said, it will take work to clean up the environment where it’s already been damaged.

Howell has been an environmental activist since hearing Ray Charles sing “America the Beautiful” on Earth Day. Last year she helped push through a carbon tax in her hometown of Washington, D.C.

Activists like her are responding to the acute necessity to deal with climate change before the earth is drastically damaged.

It’s not too soon. Scientists now estimate that humanity has 12 years to cut carbon pollution by 45 percent to avert dramatic increases in droughts, flooding, heat, and poverty. Among the costs will be exposure to deadly heat illnesses for 350 million more people around the world by 2050 and $500 billion lost annually to the U.S. economy by 2100.

IT HASN’T BEEN EASY

Not everyone is on board, though. In fact, significant forces in the labor movement are actively opposed to a Green New Deal. (see below)

“It is difficult to take this unrealistic manifesto seriously, but the economic and social devastation it would cause if it moves forward is serious and real,” said Terry O’Sullivan, president of the Laborers union, in a statement about the Green New Deal resolution.

The Laborers are worried that members will lose their jobs in fossil fuel industries, which they say are paid much more than current jobs in the renewable energy sector.

The American labor movement has a long history of mistrusting environmental groups as job-killers. Frequently the Building Trades are at odds with environmental groups over projects like the Keystone XL and Dakota Access oil pipelines.

Most often, the AFL-CIO backs the Building Trades, though some unions, like National Nurses United, Steelworkers, and Service Employees, have forged ties with environmental groups.

“A small group of unions with close ties to the fossil fuel industry appear to be setting the definition of what the millions and millions of union members in America want and need,” said historian Jeremy Brecher, a staff member at the Labor Network for Sustainability.

It’s not hard to see that a huge gap exists between current labor-environment collaboration and what it will take to win a massive, federally mandated good jobs program to combat climate change.

JOBS, JOBS, JOBS

One union that finds itself in a unique position is the Electrical Workers (IBEW), which benefits from solar energy construction but has traditionally allied with the other Building Trades and still supports coal and nuclear energy production, anathema to environmentalists.

The IBEW has offered career training for electricians in the solar energy industry in New York, Los Angeles, Alameda County in California, and Washington state.

Kevin Norton is a member and former assistant business manager of IBEW Local 11 in Los Angeles. He strongly supports his local’s environmentally friendly work. But his first reaction to the Green New Deal is that it’s “a lot of well-meaning people who don’t necessarily know what they’re talking about.

“There’s always a group of people,” Norton said, “that want to do those kinds of projects, but they want to do them at $15 an hour, or $13 an hour.” In contrast, he said, wages and benefits for a union journeyman can total up to $74 an hour.

He believes what’s necessary for an environmentally friendly jobs program is to “do it in a way that’s responsible, so we don’t kill every job in the state.”

California is a good example, he said—the state has created a “whole wave” of green jobs, and good ones at that. Local 11 has had as many as 1,000 electricians working on a solar project at a given time. Why not do the same in Appalachia and Detroit?

In New York state, a coalition called Climate Jobs NY has used pre-hire collective bargaining agreements, called project labor agreements, to win guarantees that workers will be paid prevailing wages in $1.5 billion in renewable energy projects. These are in wind energy construction, solar, and the retrofitting of schools and other public buildings to make them more energy-efficient.

The Worker Institute at Cornell University spearheaded the project alongside IBEW Local 3, the New York State Nurses, 32BJ, and other unions, aiming to create unionized jobs while investing in sustainable energy. Importantly, the project has the support of the local Building Trades council.

Lina Lopez is a journeywoman electrician in New York. She has taken two classes at Local 3, one to install solar panels and the other to learn how to work with electric car charging stations. She likes doing the work.

“It’s to help a little bit,” she said, “to help keep this climate clean for the next generation.”

These local and state projects are examples that a federal Green New Deal might draw upon—and they offer a glimpse at how the slogan “Green Jobs for All” could be made real.

Organizing the Environmentalists and Greening Contracts

One interesting step that’s helped bridge the gap between organized labor and the green movement is the unionization of a major environmental organization, the Sierra Club, which is represented by two unions originating in a labor-management dispute in the 1990s.

“It is leading to a much deeper understanding of trade unionism and worker concerns,” Jeremy Brecher said, “certainly on the part of the Sierra Club, but that’s also having an effect on the rest of the environmental movement.”

Sierra Employees Alliance, which is now part of an Auto Workers local, represents staff at the Sierra Club’s national headquarters in California. The other union, originally a company union but now reformed as the Progressive Workers Union, signed its first card-check agreement last week to represent 200 staffers in Sierra Club chapters.

Sierra Club management publicly supported a union drive at the Tesla solar-panel factory in Buffalo, New York, only after PWU and SEA wrote letters to the board and spoke to management, said PWU President Neha Mathew-Shah.

Unions and environmental groups team up formally in high-level partnerships like the BlueGreen Alliance, which the Sierra Club founded with the Steelworkers in 2006.

But Elaine Bernard, a researcher retired from Harvard, thinks grassroots work is more important. She points to instances where unions, mostly outside the United States, have used collective bargaining to negotiate provisions into their contracts that promote a cleaner environment.

A project called “Adapting Canadian Work and Workplaces” lists scores of provisions that unions—mostly Canadian and Australian—have negotiated to secure protections for the environment, including green procurement, whistleblower protection, and the promotion of carpooling and bicycling.

For example, a 2012 agreement between Steelworkers Local 480 and Teck Metals provided that the union would “participate in formal assessments and investigations to prevent the occurrence or recurrence of environmental and health impacts” and that the company would have to disclose “information and monitoring data” to the union. Teck Metals is a Canadian metals and mining company that has been cited multiple times for polluting the Columbia River in British Columbia.

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FEBRUARY 12, 2019 Labor unions fear Democrats’ Green New Deal poses job threat, by Valerie Volcovici

WASHINGTON (Reuters) – Labor unions say they are withholding support for a Green New Deal unveiled by Democrats last week to transition the American economy away from fossil fuels, arguing the loosely-defined plan could kill jobs if its architects aren’t careful.

The cool response from unions underscores the challenge facing Democratic presidential hopefuls who support aggressive action on climate change but must also win back the blue-collar voters that swept President Donald Trump to victory in 2016.

The Green New Deal is a non-binding Congressional resolution introduced by Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Senator Edward Markey that would legislate government-led investment in clean energy infrastructure with the goal of making America carbon neutral within a decade.  Democratic presidential hopeful Senators Kamala Harris, Kirsten Gillibrand, Cory Booker and Elizabeth Warren have already thrown their support behind it.

The resolution’s backers say the plan – once fully sketched out in the legislation – would create jobs in much the same way as President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal of the 1930s by putting Americans to work on transformative government-led projects.

It also calls for a “just transition” for current fossil fuel workers – from coal miners to pipeline workers – through guarantees of healthcare, jobs, and job training.

Union officials told Reuters they were skeptical.

“We will never settle for ‘just transition’ language as a solution to the job losses that will surely come from some of the policies in the resolution,” said Yvette Pena O’Sullivan, executive director of the Laborers’ International Union of North America (LIUNA), whose members work in construction and other industries.

Phil Smith, a spokesman for the United Mine Workers (UMWA), which represents workers in the coal industry, echoed the concerns.

“We’ve heard words like ‘just transition’ before, but what does that really mean? Our members are worried about putting food on the table,” he said.

LIUNA and UMWA said they were not contacted for input on the resolution before it was released.

Sean McGarvey, president of the North America’s Building Trades Unions, representing construction workers across all sectors including energy, said his staff had been contacted by Markey’s office about the Green New Deal, but said his members are skeptical of “green job” promises.

Members “working in the oil and gas sector can make a middle-class living, whereas renewable energy firms have been less generous,” he said at a pipeline safety event last week.

APPALACHIAN BACKLASH

Democrats backing the resolution are seeking to highlight the contrast in their position with the Trump administration’s vocal support for drilling and mining and its skepticism about the causes and impacts of global warming.

Trump’s approach was warmly received in 2016 in parts of Appalachia and the Rust Belt, which have been suffering from manufacturing and mining jobs losses.

Trump’s Democratic challenger Hillary Clinton struggled to sell her clean energy agenda in those regions, and suffered politically after saying her policies would “put a lot of coal miners and coal companies out of business.”

The Sunrise Movement, a youth organization backing the Green New Deal, plans to launch a multi-state campaign in March to drum up support, featuring stops in Michigan, Kentucky and Pennsylvania.

“A lot of places struggling with joblessness are fossil fuel dependent places that suffer from poor air and water quality. Guaranteeing the right of clean air, water and jobs is something we think a lot of people can get behind,” said Stephen O’Hanlon, a spokesman for the group.

Unions have expressed support in the past for more moderate approaches to addressing climate change, including cap-and-trade systems to curb carbon dioxide emissions.

Ocasio-Cortez and Markey’s offices did not respond to a request for comment.

Reporting by Valerie Volcovici; editing by Richard Valdmanis and Sonya Hepinstall, Reuters

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A number of EJ and labor leaders developed the following recommendations around justice and community well-being in implementation.  http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/pdf/2016/Advancing-Equity.pdf .

Require labor standards on construction projects that government funds, incentivizes, or mandates to save energy or meet GHG reduction targets.  Require a community workforce agreement (CWA), or similar arrangements that include labor standards and targeted/local hire provisions, on fully subsidized public and ratepayer investments in low-carbon sectors.  Labor standards—including prevailing wage, benefit, and apprenticeship standards—are crucial mechanisms for ensuring that low-carbon economic development results in high-quality, family-supporting careers. Labor standards are often linked with targeted hire provisions to broaden access to career-track jobs for disadvantaged workers.  A number of vehicles exist for attaching labor standards to state GHG reduction measures that involve construction work.

  • For Energy Efficiency and Distributed Generation Incentive Programs:  Implement labor standards for renewable energy, energy efficiency, and other low-carbon construction projects subsidized by public investment and utility ratepayer incentive programs.
  • Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs) for the Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS):  Require a CWA on RPS-eligible, utility-scale renewables in power purchase contracts. Alternatively, give preference in the PPA selection process to projects with a multi-craft CWA.
  • Low-Income Weatherization Programs:  Require a wage floor and build career ladders for low-income energy efficiency retrofit programs funded by utilities and the GGRF.

Invest in GHG-reducing public works projects that reach low-income people in your area.  Prioritizing low-carbon investments in the public sector (i.e., public buildings and public infrastructure projects) offers a variety of equity benefits by providing a vehicle for community workforce agreements and ensuring direct investment in disadvantaged communities, while meeting GHG reduction goals.

  • MUSH Sector Energy Efficiency and Clean Energy Investments:  Create a comprehensive deep retrofit program for MUSH (municipal, university, school, and hospital) and multifamily affordable housing markets that incorporates a community workforce agreement and is funded by existing ratepayer or public funds.
  • Green Zones:  Support comprehensive GHG reduction and community resilience investments in the most disadvantaged communities, devised through a multi-stakeholder, community engagement process that includes both environmental justice and labor organizations.

Ensure equitable distribution of ratepayer and public incentive funds for private low-carbon investments.  Equity can be advanced by ensuring that programs to encourage adoption of solar, electric vehicle, and other low-carbon technologies do not require participants to be homeowners, have disposable savings, or have access to credit in order to benefit from government incentives. To the extent possible, decisionmakers should design programs to incentivize low-carbon investments that are delinked from ownership of individual assets like homes or vehicles.  For example, for Community Solar Programs:

  • Expand community solar programs that provide distributed solar to multiple households
  • (including pass-through benefits to renters), prioritize participation from disadvantaged households and siting in disadvantage areas, and require the incorporation of CWAs.

Ensure just transitions for workers and communities affected by the decline of GHG-emitting industries.  Overall, jobs are not likely to be lost but planning is still needed, including Industrial Planning for High GHG-Emitting Industries:

  • Identify a lead state agency and a funding source and initiate an inclusive planning process to mitigate transition losses for workers and communities potentially impacted by industrial decline due to climate policy.
  • Ensure that any cap and trade programs do not exacerbate pollution hotspots in disadvantaged communities and amend the program where necessary.  Ongoing concerns about the possible adverse impact of the cap-and-trade system on existing environmental justice hotspots requires developing robust evaluation and collecting the data to monitor exposure, with a trigger to respond if cap and trade exacerbates pollution hotspots, particularly in disadvantaged communities. Addressing these issues requires incorporation of co-pollutant emissions, public reporting of cap-and-trade transactions by facility, and restrictions on facility-level trading and offset purchases at facilities in prioritized disadvantaged communities when necessary.

Ensure participation from labor and EJ representatives in all climate policy arenas.

State and local government should collect consistent, reliable, and publicly available data to monitor performance on key equity indicators. Although measuring progress may seem like a small step, we highlight the importance of performance reporting, following the adage “what gets measured gets managed.”

Statewide Public Accountability System to Track Equity Outcomes.

The state should develop an annual Climate Equity Report based on tracking equity outcomes to enable state officials to monitor whether equity goals have been reached, to identify areas where climate policy should be improved to advance equity, and to hold public bodies accountable for progress on equity in GHG reduction measures.

**

Longer version:

A number of EJ and labor leaders developed these recommendations.

Require labor standards on construction projects that government funds, incentivizes, or mandates to save energy or meet GHG reduction targets.  Require a community workforce agreement (CWA), or similar arrangements that include labor standards and targeted/local hire provisions, on fully subsidized public and ratepayer investments in low-carbon sectors.  Labor standards—including prevailing wage, benefit, and apprenticeship standards—are crucial mechanisms for ensuring that low-carbon economic development results in high-quality, family-supporting careers. Labor standards are often linked with targeted hire provisions to broaden access to career-track jobs for disadvantaged workers.  A number of vehicles exist for attaching labor standards to state GHG reduction measures that involve construction work.

  • For Energy Efficiency and Distributed Generation Incentive Programs:  Implement labor standards for renewable energy, energy efficiency, and other low-carbon construction projects subsidized by public investment and utility ratepayer incentive programs.
  • Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs) for the Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS):  Require a CWA on RPS-eligible, utility-scale renewables in power purchase contracts. Alternatively, give preference in the PPA selection process to projects with a multi-craft CWA.
  • Low-Income Weatherization Programs:  Require a wage floor and build career ladders for low-income energy efficiency retrofit programs funded by utilities and the GGRF.

Invest in GHG-reducing public works projects that reach low-income people in your area.  Prioritizing low-carbon investments in the public sector (i.e., public buildings and public infrastructure projects) offers a variety of equity benefits by providing a vehicle for community workforce agreements and ensuring direct investment in disadvantaged communities, while meeting GHG reduction goals.

  • MUSH Sector Energy Efficiency and Clean Energy Investments:  Create a comprehensive deep retrofit program for MUSH (municipal, university, school, and hospital) and multifamily affordable housing markets that incorporates a community workforce agreement and is funded by existing ratepayer or public funds.
  • Green Zones:  Support comprehensive GHG reduction and community resilience investments in the most disadvantaged communities, devised through a multi-stakeholder, community engagement process that includes both environmental justice and labor organizations.

Ensure equitable distribution of ratepayer and public incentive funds for private low-carbon investments.  Equity can be advanced by ensuring that programs to encourage adoption of solar, electric vehicle, and other low-carbon technologies do not require participants to be homeowners, have disposable savings, or have access to credit in order to benefit from government incentives. To the extent possible, decisionmakers should design programs to incentivize low-carbon investments that are delinked from ownership of individual assets like homes or vehicles.  For example, for Community Solar Programs:

  • Expand community solar programs that provide distributed solar to multiple households
  • (including pass-through benefits to renters), prioritize participation from disadvantaged households and siting in disadvantage areas, and require the incorporation of CWAs.

Ensure just transitions for workers and communities affected by the decline of GHG-emitting industries.  Overall, jobs are not likely to be lost but planning is still needed, including Industrial Planning for High GHG-Emitting Industries:

  • Identify a lead state agency and a funding source and initiate an inclusive planning process to mitigate transition losses for workers and communities potentially impacted by industrial decline due to climate policy.
  • Ensure that any cap and trade programs do not exacerbate pollution hotspots in disadvantaged communities and amend the program where necessary.  Ongoing concerns about the possible adverse impact of the cap-and-trade system on existing environmental justice hotspots requires developing robust evaluation and collecting the data to monitor exposure, with a trigger to respond if cap and trade exacerbates pollution hotspots, particularly in disadvantaged communities. Addressing these issues requires incorporation of co-pollutant emissions, public reporting of cap-and-trade transactions by facility, and restrictions on facility-level trading and offset purchases at facilities in prioritized disadvantaged communities when necessary.

Ensure participation from labor and EJ representatives in all climate policy arenas.

State and local government should collect consistent, reliable, and publicly available data to monitor performance on key equity indicators. Although measuring progress may seem like a small step, we highlight the importance of performance reporting, following the adage “what gets measured gets managed.”

Statewide Public Accountability System to Track Equity Outcomes.

The state should develop an annual Climate Equity Report based on tracking equity outcomes to enable state officials to monitor whether equity goals have been reached, to identify areas where climate policy should be improved to advance equity, and to hold public bodies accountable for progress on equity in GHG reduction measures.

This set of recommendations was recently assembled by John and the Institute for Local Self-Reliance, with many good links:

  • Adopt a resolution to get to 100% renewable energy on a fast timescaleIt’s a race!  Ordinances have been developed by Pueblo, CO; Traverse City, MI; East Hampton, NY.
  • Commit to developing local renewable energy to serve local energy needs; e.g.,  Taos, NM ordinance
  • Minimize zoning and permitting costs for renewable energy systems; e.g.,  Lancaster, CA.  Also check examples from community power map.
  • Replace all public lighting with LEDs; e.g., Oahu, New York, NY ordinance
  • Put solar on every possible public building & maximize energy efficiency of existing and future public buildings; e.g., ordinances in San Francisco, CA; New York, NY.  All public buildings should be required to install net zero carbon emissions systems (solar, geothermal).  Public housing over to heat pumps and more efficient ice-based air conditioning systems.
  • Consider the full range of energy storage options.  While batteries are coming down in price, there are many kinds of energy storage options beyond batteries. Stanford at night freezes ice in rooftop tubing, with the melted cold water from it used for air conditioning during the day. A pilot system in Okotoks, Alberta, uses solar plus heated rocks underground for winter heating.
  • Commit to electrification of city fleet vehicles; e.g., Austin, TX ordinance
  • Have the city host community solar projects for residents and businesses; e.g., Taylors Falls, MN;Minneapolis, MN
  • Adopt the most efficient building energy code allowed by state law; e.g.,  Boston, MA; Tucson, AZ; Babylon, NY; Boulder County, CO.  In NYC the big issue is buildings, which constitutes 75% of the carbon footprint.  And after 7 years of voluntary retrofits, the big fight is now to make it mandatory, starting with those that are cost effective.  LA may be able to draw best practices from these efforts.

We have only begun to tap our solar energy potential. We have the technical potential to generate tens to hundreds of times more solar energy than we currently do, according to a National Renewable Energy Laboratory (NREL) analysis of technical rooftop solar potential on small buildings. Also,  a 1-megawatt solar array provides about $2.5 million in economic benefits for construction and operation, but an additional $5 million in local revenue if it’s locally owned.

More on jobs:

Renewable energy is one of our best hopes for jobs.  A 2008 report by the Center on Wisconsin Strategies suggests that 8 -11 jobs can be created for every $1 million invested in building energy efficiency retrofitting. The American Solar Energy Society has estimated that jobs in energy efficiency industries are well on their way to quadrupling between 2007 and 2030, from 3.75 million to 16.7 million.

A public jobs program should be launched to secure the right to decent paid work through public jobs for the unemployed and those presently working in low paid service-sector jobs such as in fast food and retail and in sectors unlikely to exist in the future, related to fossil fuel mining and transport.  Economist Philip Harvey estimated the net federal cost for 1 million living-wage public jobs in 2011 at $28.6 billion. The economic multiplier of this fiscal stimulus would generate another 414,000 jobs in Harvey’s analysis. Dividing 19.6 million needed jobs by 1.4 million created jobs equals 14, which multiplied by $28.6 billion equals $400.4 billion for a 19.6 million jobs program. Other economists also estimate the cost of a program for the federal government as employer of last resort (ELR) would be relatively small, around 1-2% of GDP because it corresponds with huge savings in unemployment insurance in a way that pays people to work rather than to not work. A federally funded ELR program will also help local and state budgets as incomes from employment add to the tax revenue of states and local governments.  A job guarantee would also be good for the private sector, as it guarantees that domestic demand never collapses as much as it has in recent years, with chronically low wages and structural unemployment and underemployment. It would also lift incomes for the most vulnerable households, helping to significantly reduce income inequality.  Bernie Sanders’ recent presidential campaign called for the creation of 13 million living wage jobs, primarily through $200 billion a year in investments in infrastructure: water system, transportation, seaports, electric grid, low head dams, and broadband.  A Green New Deal could invest in infrastructure that reduces the carbon footprint (e.g., energy retrofits, renewable energy), as well as education, child and adult care, home health services and other essential human services.

Economists predict that we can build a 100 percent renewable energy system at costs comparable to or less than what we would have to spend to continue our reliance on dirty energy. The International Energy Agency estimates that limiting warming to 2° C would require an additional investment of about 1 percent of global GDP per year. (We Have the Power, Environment America and the Frontier Group, http://bit.ly/1qlnotd), which would be $170 billion a year for the US. The former chairperson of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has made similar estimates.

Other recommendations to support a just energy and transport transition include the following policies:

  • Automatic Unemployment Insurance (UI) and related re-employment assistance benefits should kick in automatically for eligible workers. The duration of coverage for these benefits should also be automatically extended during periods of high unemployment. UI and related job training and placement benefits should be fully funded and modernized to meet the anticipated demand.
  • Progressive Basic Income – Since the efficiency of today’s technological advancements may outpace our ability to replace automated jobs with new jobs for the displaced, it would be prudent to establish a progressive basic income (PBI) to offset the likely potential for seismic changes in the labor market. The Social Security program—which has features that facilitate the collection and distribution of revenue on a broad scale—is the most effective and efficient delivery mechanism by which this could be accomplished. A Progressive Basic Income would not replace Social Security’s retiree, disability, and survivor programs, but would be part of an expanded Social Security system.
  • Education and Retraining – Since the vast majority of workers in driving occupations have lower educational attainment levels, education and retraining could help displaced workers secure comparable or better jobs. Although higher education does not necessarily translate into jobs or economic mobility, policies that promote affordable postsecondary education and training options— with built-in subsidies for displaced workers—as well as fully funding existing programs such as American Job Centers, are important options.
  • Automatic Medicaid Eligibility – Federal and state governments should expand Medicaid eligibility to automatically cover displaced workers with household incomes below a determined level. This type of assistance will enable workers to protect their health and their wallets while they seek opportunities to retrain, get additional education, and/or find a new job.
  • Expanding Support for Entrepreneurs – Programs and incentives that can help displaced workers start and sustain businesses could lead to job creation and have a generative effect on the U.S. economy.