Secrets of a Successful Flyer

Keep it short. Here’s a rule of thumb: no paragraph should be longer than four lines long. Not four sentences—four lines. And don’t use more than two or three paragraphs.

Use longer, descriptive headlines to get to the point right away. It’s better to say something like “Protect Our Benefits — Vote Yes to Authorize a Strike” than to write a short, cute headline. Remember, your flyer is going to end up in the trash.

One strong visual (and not too much black – make it easier to run copies where you can)

Make sure there is enough white space and a clear ask!

The minimum:

  • A descriptive headline
  • One strong visual
  • Very short text
  • A “call to action” (what you want members to do)
  • Who we are and how to find us

February 09, 2023 / Dan Lutz in Labor Notes

Three black and white flyers side by side, for a Teamsters contract campaign, for a Teamsters leadership election, and nurses on why the support Bernie Sanders

Do these flyers all have strong visuals, descriptive headlines, short text, and clear calls to action? What changes would you make to improve them? Flyers courtesy of Teamsters Local 251, the Teamsters United slate, and National Nurses United.

It was a snowy morning in 2002, I was a brand-new shop steward in CWA Local 3372 in Lexington, Kentucky, and I had volunteered to hand out the flyers for our contract campaign.

I handed out 200 copies, then headed in to my shift at a Verizon 411 call center. When I passed the garbage can, I saw most of my flyers—wadded up and thrown away.

In the two decades since, many unions have turned to email, texting, and social media to reach members. That’s a serious mistake.

The humble black-and-white workplace flyer is still our most direct way to talk to our co-workers about why the boss is wrong and what we’re going to do to make the situation better.

Since that day, I’ve made and distributed hundreds more flyers. Here are some lessons I’ve learned along the way.

Your flyer will end up in the trash—so you only have a few moments to get across your most important ideas.

Use longer, descriptive headlines to get to the point right away. It’s better to say something like “Protect Our Benefits — Vote Yes to Authorize a Strike” than to write a short, cute headline. Remember, your flyer is going to end up in the trash.

Keep it short. Here’s a rule of thumb: no paragraph should be longer than four lines long. Not four sentences—four lines. And don’t use more than two or three paragraphs.

Talk to people. The point of a flyer is to start organizing conversations with our co-workers. A good flyer will give other members of your team the talking points they need to have those conversations—and an excuse to go have them. If you have a petition for people to sign, or something else to do, even better.

Keep it short. Here’s a rule of thumb: no paragraph should be longer than four lines long. Not four sentences—four lines. And don’t use more than two or three paragraphs.

Teach your co-workers how to pass out a flyer. Many new activists are too shy and will want to just put flyers on bulletin boards or on the car windshields in the parking lot. Use flyer distribution to show new leaders how to have effective organizing conversations.

Use pictures and quotes from members. A direct quote from a popular shop-floor leader can be more powerful than just regular text. You can even use quotes for headlines.

Every flyer needs anger, hope, urgency, and you (AHUY): Anger at what the boss is doing. Hope that we can make change as a union. Urgency to take action now. And what we’re asking each member of our union to do.

There are five basic design elements to every flyer:

  • A descriptive headline
  • One strong visual
  • Very short text
  • A “call to action” (what you want members to do)
  • Who we are and how to find us

Avoid vague calls to action. Chances are, most of your co-workers don’t want to “join us”—or even worse, “get involved.” Who has the time these days to “get involved?” But your co-workers may sign a petition, march on the boss, share the flyer, take a survey, or join a picket. Be specific about what we’re asking them to do.

Make sure there is white space. Keep plenty of blank space in the margin and around and between your paragraphs and image. White space makes your flyer easier to read. The best way to add white space is to keep your flyer short.

Break up your text. Use bullets, numbered points, or check marks to break up the text and increase white space.

Don’t speculate. Only write down what you can back up. As rank-and-file activists, our credibility is valuable—protect it.

Have someone else read it first. You know how they make two people turn the key to launch the nuclear missile? Treat your flyer like that and make sure someone else reads it before it goes out.

Proofread backwards. You will catch more typos if you read the flyer backward. Try it and see.


Don’t use more than two fonts. Use one font for headlines and one font for your body text. Serif fonts—fonts with the little squiggly bits at the end of each letter—are easier to read.

Will it photocopy? Make sure your photo is black-and-white and avoid large dark areas. Many of us have to make copies using copy machines we’re not supposed to use.

Avoid quarter and half-sheet flyers. Do you really want to do all that cutting? (If you absolutely have to have a small flyer, fold it instead. Legendary Teamster President Ron Carey used to hand-fold his flyers so that drivers would put them in their pockets. Make sure to fold them with the headline facing out.)

You’re not as funny as you think you are. It’s better to be direct and serious than have your joke bomb.

Your flyer does not need to be beautiful, but it should be clean. The best way to keep your flyer clean: follow the rules here.

Dan Lutz is a staffer at the New York State Nurses Association.A version of this article appeared in Labor Notes Issue #527, February 2023.

** To change the world our unions must change!

Unionism has seen a resurgence in popularity the past few years. The problem is, it’s very difficult to get our members organizing in their communities when they hate the way our leadership (I use that word loosely) is operating.

Our unions shouldn’t be, and I’d argue weren’t meant to be, transactional—yet by and large that is what they have grown to be. By transactional I mean: I pay dues, you provide a service, and my duty ends with my dues.

Instead, our unions should be conduits for radically changing society and the economy as we know it. Even as conservative as my own union, the Machinists, is, the preamble to our union constitution begins, “Believing that the right of those who toil to enjoy to the full extent the wealth created by their labor is a natural right…” and goes on to say that worker organizations should use “the natural resources, means of production and distribution for the benefit of all the people.”

It’s apparent that our founding members believed we deserved every single penny we worked to generate, and that all the natural resources and means of production and distribution should be used by us to benefit our communities.

Yet somewhere along the way, we’ve allowed union staff to be elected or appointed who believe that we should concede management rights clauses and no-strike clauses, that the rank and file shouldn’t be involved in negotiating our own contracts, that in some cases they can override our vote against a contract and accept it on our behalf, and that we should bend a knee and be thankful we have a job.

These staff positions are paid by our dues; they should be answerable to us alone. Our unions have grown to function much the same way as corporate America, with a hierarchical structure where despots sit in leather chairs behind mahogany desks and dare anyone to question their authority.

In my own union, the members directly elect our entire executive board. These elections provide a minute amount of accountability to the membership—but not nearly enough. As in U.S. politics, elections rarely hold people accountable for their actions (or inactions). Plus, most union staff are unelected, and accountable only to those who appointed or hired them.

I love many of the union staff I’ve worked with—but I believe the labor movement has systemic problems that are holding us back. I’ll address three problems here.


The first problem is an implied hierarchy.

A few years ago, our stewards’ committee was dealing with a layoff and wasn’t getting the information we needed. As a committee, we voted to file charges with the National Labor Relations Board. We brought it to the members and they unanimously agreed.

Traditionally, our district business rep had been the one who had handled filing charges. But our local was getting blown off by Human Resources and we decided it was time to bring some power back to the shop floor. I was designated to file the charge.

Within a week, our business rep was on the phone to me, demanding I withdraw the charge. I refused, and he mentioned an Official Circular—a letter from our union’s international president—stating that local lodges shouldn’t file NLRB charges.

I understood the reasoning, because in some cases an unfavorable NLRB could rule against us and set precedent. But this was a simple charge over failure to provide information. Business reps should be a last resort in making demands, not the first.

Our job as unionists is to build power on the shop floor and wield that collectively. By shifting the union’s power to the business rep, we encourage H.R. to see our membership and committees as weak.

The organizational structure of locals, districts, and regions shouldn’t imply hierarchy. The union should be a participatory democracy where locals help each other out with cooperative collective action.


The second problem is personal loyalty. When staff members are appointed, they’re inevitably loyalty to the appointer. Most people want to progress in their fields, and unionists are the same.

In the Machinists, many positions higher than district level are appointed by the international president. After our local’s NLRB charge, the general vice president was quick to point out at a State Council meeting that the charge was a violation.

A violation of what? There is nothing in our union constitution or bylaws that reserves the right to file charges to any specific body. On the contrary, the constitution states that anything not covered in it is at the discretion of the membership, so the circular that we previously mentioned wasn’t worth the paper it was written on.

I assume that this statement was at the behest of the president, who appoints all the general vice presidents—making them ultimately loyal to him.

Elections are our only path to ensure that the members are allowed to make the decisions that matter. We need people who believe in transparency, a true democratic process (not a representative, transactional one), and members with true integrity who can’t be swayed by the promises of an appointment if they go along to get along.


A third problem I’ve run into is secrecy.

Serving on several negotiating committees for my local, I’ve seen firsthand how agreeing to ground rules to keep bargaining details confidential can strangle the elected committee’s ability to communicate with the membership.

Never agree to ground rules that require loyalty to the committee over loyalty to the membership. Our own representatives have attempted to ban our committee from direct communications with our membership several times over the years, and we’ve always ignored them—at least until our last negotiations that I resigned from.

Every union member should demand transparent communications from your committee… if you even have a committee of elected local membership.

There are always excuses, but ultimately it’s the members who pay for, benefit from, and have the most to lose at negotiations. They deserve nothing less than complete transparency.

We will never build power by allowing our collective demands to be transferred to a single person or a small group. Building a directly democratic union takes more work—but it pays dividends to the membership.

David Story is a third-generation unionist from right-to-work Alabama. He has served in every capacity at his local, including trustee, recording secretary, treasurer, steward, negotiator, and president, and on too many committees to count.